When the Clock Is the Wrong Instrument

The study

Bonnaire, C., & Lambert, L. (2026). From healthy to problematic gaming use: Considering the role of age. Journal of Behavioral Addictions.

This commentary makes two arguments about the line between healthy and disordered gaming. First, time spent playing is a poor diagnostic signal: hours alone fail to separate the passionate gamer, the professional, and the person in real trouble, and treating duration as the marker leads to both over- and under-recognition. Second, age matters — gaming begins in childhood, is legal across the lifespan, can benefit development, and accompanies people through stages when the brain’s control systems are still maturing. The authors argue that diagnostic criteria should bend to developmental stage rather than apply uniformly.

My take

They are right, and the first point is one I keep arriving at from the other direction — the clinic. The count is the seduction; the function is the finding. What a person plays away from, and what the playing costs them, tells me far more than the number of hours ever will. But I would offer three refinements from practice, because the paper, in its proper caution against overpathologizing, lets go of more than I would.

First, time is the wrong metric — until it isn’t. At the extreme, quantity becomes its own quality. An adolescent, or an adult, who plays fifteen or more hours a day, day after day, is not a case where hours are merely uninformative; at that magnitude nothing else in a life survives, and the number has become the finding. The field has corrected so hard against time that it risks waving away the outlier it should not.

Second, the signal is rarely time itself — it is time measured against what the time costs. Four hours on a school night and eight on a summer afternoon are not the same behavior scaled up and down. The summer eight may displace little; the school-night four can cost sleep, study, and the next morning. The same hours read as benign or alarming depending entirely on what they take the place of. That is the reading the raw count obscures.

Third, developmental stage matters more than the paper’s own instrument can capture — because chronological age is a poor proxy for developmental maturity. The argument to adapt criteria by stage is correct in spirit, but the variable that matters is the maturity of the regulatory system, and that is not reliably indexed by the birthday. It is not uncommon to see a sixteen-year-old more developmentally advanced than a twenty-two-year-old. “Impaired control” has to be judged against the control the person actually has, not the control their age is presumed to confer.

Key Insight

Hours are not the measure. What the hours cost — and what they take the place of — is the measure.

None of this contradicts the paper; it sharpens it. The clock is the wrong instrument for the ordinary case, a necessary one at the extreme, and useful in between only when read against context and against the person’s real, rather than assumed, developmental stage. As ever, the behavior is not the finding. What it costs, and who is doing it, is.

The Dose Was the Point

The piece

Camacho-Barcia L, Jimenez-Murcia S, Granero R, … Fernández-Aranda F. “Comprehensive analysis of the relationship between ultra-processed food consumption and food addiction at one-year follow-up in older adults with metabolic syndrome.” Journal of Behavioral Addictions 15(1), 471–487 (2026). doi.org/10.1556/2006.2025.00363

A year-long look at 429 older Mediterranean adults with overweight or obesity and metabolic syndrome, asking whether eating fewer ultra-processed foods tracks with less food addiction on the Yale Food Addiction Scale. The intervention sat inside the PREDIMED-Plus-Cognition study; ultra-processed intake was scored with the NOVA system and split into thirds.

My take

The headline most people will take from this, that ultra-processed food is addictive, is not quite what the study shows, and the authors are careful about that. Two findings struck me as more useful than the slogan. First, over the year, the people who cut ultra-processed food the most were the ones whose food-addiction scores actually came down; a modest trim did little. Second, that improvement showed up independent of weight loss. The grip loosened even when the scale had not moved much.

What I appreciate is that the study does not oversell itself. The pull toward these foods, in my experience, is rarely about the food in isolation; it sits somewhere between how a particular person is wired to respond to engineered combinations of sugar, fat, and salt, and how relentlessly the surrounding environment keeps putting those combinations within reach. What a year of reduced intake seemed to do was ease that pull for the people in whom it ran strongest, without any claim to have changed the person underneath.

Key Insight

Cutting ultra-processed food seemed to loosen food addiction’s grip independent of the weight lost — but only for those who cut deeply, not cosmetically.

I would temper the enthusiasm in two places. The sample barely had the condition in question: only about 5.6% met the threshold for food addiction, below what is reported in the general population, so this is a low-signal group and the effect was modest. And the design is observational, with both study arms already being steered toward better eating, so some of the improvement belongs to the intervention itself rather than to the ultra-processed cut specifically. The authors say plainly that ultra-processed intake alone did not explain the total addiction score; the food is part of the picture, not the whole of it.

Where it lands clinically, for me, is that weight-independent finding. One thing I have noticed over the years is how often patients treat the scale as the sole measure of progress; when the weight stalls, they conclude nothing has changed. Yet the relationship to food may already be shifting in ways that matter. This study is a small piece of evidence that the grip can loosen before the weight has visibly moved, provided the change is real rather than cosmetic. The translation I would offer a patient is narrow and concrete: aim at the most engineered foods specifically, and cut deeply enough to matter, because the data here only rewarded the largest reductions.

A New Surface for an Old Vulnerability

A patient forms a fixed, false belief around a chatbot — that someone they love is hidden inside it, that it knows their thoughts before they type them, that its responses are a private channel meant only for them. There is a phrase for this now: “AI psychosis.” The implication is that a new technology has produced a new illness. I am skeptical of that framing, and the skepticism is the reason I wanted to write this.

What strikes me, reading the early clinical reports, is how little of the underlying mechanism is actually new. I have spent a long time watching people build beliefs they will not put down, and the most instructive cases are rarely the dramatic ones. They are the quiet ones, in which a vulnerable person and a responsive other slowly assemble a false structure together, with no ill intent anywhere in the room.

We have a clinical precedent for this, and it has nothing to do with machines. Think of the inexperienced or dogmatic therapist who, meaning only to help, inadvertently feeds a patient’s psychopathology — the era of recovered “memories” is the cautionary example, but milder versions happen constantly. A clinician who validates without ever introducing friction, who completes the patient’s interpretation instead of testing it, can help a suggestible person construct a vivid, fixed, and entirely false account of their own life. The mechanism that “AI psychosis” describes is, in its bones, this old one: a responsive other who reinforces a belief in one direction and never supplies the resistance that would let reality back in.

So if the mechanism is old, what has changed? My impression is that the answer is not a new capability but the removal of the limits that used to make the old one rare. Consider what kept even a misguided therapist’s influence bounded. It cost money and required showing up, so exposure was rationed. The therapist was another mind, with their own fatigue, their own doubt, their own occasional sense that something did not add up. A third party was always possible — a colleague, a spouse, someone who could say this is making you worse. And the therapist went home; the session ended; the patient had hours alone in which a distorted belief could quietly decay. A conversational system removes all four. It is tireless, it has no countervailing doubt, no supervisor sits in the loop, and it never goes home. The nightly pause that once let a belief lose its grip is gone.

There is, though, one element that does seem genuinely new in kind, and it is the part I find most worth sitting with. The dogmatic therapist at least held still. A rigid belief is stable; it pushes in one direction and stops where its own conviction stops. A system optimized to keep you engaged has no fixed point of its own. It does not hold a position you must move toward — it moves toward you. Each exchange, the person adjusts slightly to the machine, and the machine adjusts to the person, and with no external reference anchoring either of them, the two can drift together into a belief that neither would have reached alone. This is not the transmission of one party’s conviction to another. It is something closer to mutual entrainment — a belief that ends up co-authored, held jointly, and for that reason almost impossible to dislodge from inside the loop.

Key Insight

The right question to ask about these systems is not whether they push back, but whether they are anchored to anything outside their relationship with you. A good clinician is anchored to the patient’s welfare, which is sometimes at war with the patient’s wishes — and that war is the treatment. A system anchored only to your engagement has no such war to offer.

I should be honest that this is not a danger I can place entirely on the far side of the desk, in the patient. The same dynamic operates, in milder form, in how any of us now use these tools — and I include myself. I have thought through difficult ideas in dialogue with such systems. What kept that useful rather than distorting was not a property of the machine. It was what I brought to it: a specific question rather than an unmet need, the habit of reality-testing worn in over decades, and enough stability that I was reaching to sharpen a thought, not to be soothed. The identical tool, met by the same person in a lonelier or more fragile hour, tilts toward the consulting room. The machine does not change. What changes is the load the person is carrying when they sit down with it.

That is the part the public conversation keeps getting wrong, and it is the same error I find myself returning to again and again. We want to make the object safe — to regulate it, to tune it, to design the danger out of it. But the safety was never really located in the object. It is a property of the person and their circumstances: whether they come carrying a wound or a question, and whether anyone in their life — including themselves — is positioned to notice the drift before it sets. A system can, in principle, be anchored to something outside the loop. But that anchor has to be supplied by the user, and it asks for exactly the capacities that loneliness and vulnerability erode. The people best able to keep these tools safe are often the ones who least need protecting; the people most at risk are precisely those least equipped to install the brake.

I do not think conversational AI is making people ill in any simple sense, any more than I think the man I once treated was simply mentally ill or simply addicted. These things are layered. A predisposition, a load, an environment that happens to reinforce the wrong interpretation — braided together until pulling one thread moves all of them. What I distrust is the confident version of the story in either direction: that the technology is harmless, or that it is the cause. My impression is that it is neither. It is a new and unusually frictionless surface for a very old human vulnerability — and the work, as ever, is to keep watching the person, and the load, rather than the tool.